General Introduction
Albert D. Pionke
The University of Alabama
At twelve volumes and over 7000 pages, George Grote’s History of Greece is the longest and physically bulkiest work in the John Stuart Mill Library, “the largest ever to appear on the subject in English by a single author,” and “one of the chief monuments of mid-Victorian intellectual life” (Demetriou, “In Defence of the British Constitution” 293; Turner 213). Appearing in two-volume installments roughly every two years between 1846 and 1856, it greatly overshadowed fellow liberal Connop Thirlwall’s eight-volume History of Greece (1835-1844) and entirely demolished the authority of conservative William Mitford’s The History of Greece (1784-1818), which Mill had read “continuously” as a boy, his sympathies “always on the contrary side to those of the author” (CW 1.15). Grote’s revisionist account of the virtues of Athenian democracy, implicitly both the forerunner of and model for modern British liberal society, “spurred a new appreciation for classical republicanism that transformed the field of ancient Greek historiography from its roots,” quickly becoming “the standard textbook for Greek history” at Cambridge, as well as a frequent authoritative reference “in the political debates of the period” (Demetriou, Brill’s Companion 7-8, 2; Kumar 88). Even now, “students of Greece are not likely to go back any farther than Grote’s History in their secondary research” (Roberts 208).
Students of the History itself most often return to Grote’s close imbrication with the Mill family to account for the ideological thrust of his enduring interest in classical Greece. An advanced intellectual disciple of James Mill since 1819, Grote hosted John Stuart Mill and his coterie, including regular meetings of both the Utilitarian Society and the Society for Students of Mental Philosophy, at the house on Threadneedle Street he had begun to occupy after his marriage to Harriet Lewin in 1820. As recalled in the early draft of Mill’s Autobiography, “The head quarters of me and my associates was not my father’s house but Grote’s, which I very much frequented. Every new proselyte and every one whom I hoped to make a proselyte, I took there to be indoctrinated. Grote’s opinions were at that time very much the same both in their strong and their weak points as those of us younger people, but he was of course very much more formed, and incomparably the superior of all of us in knowledge and present abilities” (CW 1.110). The conversation of these like-minded young men turned frequently to “Grecian history,” then unsatisfactorily interpreted by Mitford (H. Grote 49).
Whether one believes John Stuart Mill—who claims it “had been commenced at my father’s instigation” (CW I.98)—or Harriet Grote—who writes that, in “the autumn of the year 1823,” she suggested to her husband that he “write a new History of Greece himself” and that his “studies became chiefly directed towards it from that time forward” (49)—George Grote’s History of Greece was first conceived in this heady intellectual ferment of the early 1820s. By April 1826, Grote’s research had progressed far enough to allow him to publish what Mill would describe as “a very complete exposure and castigation of Mitford,” in the form of “Institutions of Ancient Greece” for the Westminster Review (CW 1.99). And by February 1831, the History had become such a central fixture in the intellectual life of the Grote home that Mill had begun to refer to it as his friend’s “opus magnum” and Harriet had projected that it would, by itself, “create” her husband’s “reputation” (67).
However, the passage of the First Reform Bill, Grote’s successful campaign to serve as Radical MP for the City of London—a position he retained through 1841—and his directorial responsibilities at the family banking-house, meant that Grote’s scholarly reputation would have to wait for at least a decade. By 1842, according to Harriet, he was once again “closely employed upon the first volume of his ‘History of Greece,’” and in 1843 he retired from Grote, Prescott & Company in order “to devote his time and faculties to the opus magnum that all other considerations, pecuniary ones included, became secondary, as well in his wife’s view as his own, to this main object” (153). It seems telling that even after a decade of deferral the project retained Mill’s Latinate moniker, suggesting perhaps his continued interest and encouragement.
Certainly, once it began to appear, Mill was a dedicated reader of and publicist for Grote’s History. As will be detailed in the following sections, he reviewed each of the first four pairs of volumes upon publication, writing with the advantage of freshly printed, then inscribed first-edition copies presented to him by Grote; additionally, he reviewed volumes nine, ten, and eleven together in a single longer essay. Mill also added his own contributions, in the form of nearly 1200 examples of marginalia, of which roughly two-thirds are verbal annotations. These notes range in length from a single letter, indicating an error of orthography, to one or more sentences, sometimes agreeing with but more often challenging whatever conclusions appear on the corresponding printed page. As will be documented below, slightly more than 150 of these annotations had a perceptible effect on subsequent editions of Grote’s History, meaning that they not only were made for Mill’s own gratification as a reader but also were shared with the author in the interests of copyediting, factchecking, rephrasing, rendering more accurate with respect to then-current scholarship, and otherwise improving the “opus magnum” in which both had been invested for decades. Documenting the effects of Mill’s marginalia on Grote’s text has required a painstaking comparison of each marginally annotated page in Mill’s personal copy of the first edition with the corresponding page in each subsequent edition. Tables recording Mill’s annotations, Grote’s original and revised text, and relevant excerpts from Mill’s letters, which sometimes allow the date at which the annotations were made to be approximated, are presented at the end of each volume-pair-specific introduction.
Volumes III and IV Introduction
Riley Hines and Albert D. Pionke
The University of Alabama
Following the publication of the first two volumes of Grote’s History in 1846, volumes three and four were published soon thereafter in April of 1847. As he had in volume one, Grote left an inscription in each of the new volume’s title pages affirming his “faithful regard + friendship,” although curiously misspelling John Stuart Mill’s middle name as “Stewart,” an error that Mill declined to mark or correct once he began adding his own marginalia. Only two months later, on June 5, 1847, Mill’s review of the newest volumes appeared in the Spectator, where he applauded Grote’s further success; he claimed that these “volumes surpass the promise of their predecessors,” a judgment he reinforces with an allusion to Milton that invites readers to associate Grote’s History with the epic Paradise Lost (CW XXIV.1086).
Mill’s review opens in defense of Grote’s apparently slow progression through the chronology of Greece, arguing that Grote took great pains in including the history not only of “Continental Greece, but of the Greek communities in Asia Minor, Italy, Sicily, and Africa” (CW XXIV.1085). In doing so, Grote illuminates the Grecian world, as well as the different peoples and civilizations that had a direct impact on its development. Following this defense, Mill then offers a more generalized overview of what exactly volumes three and four contain, to include the history of Athens and its institutions, Grecian literature following the Homeric period, and early developments in science and philosophy. Once finished with this survey of Grecian history―which fills all of volume three and the beginning of volume four―Grote employs a more continuous narrative in which he follows the “despotism of the Pisistratidae at Athens,” “the absorption of the Asiatic Greeks into the Persian empire,” and “the important events in Continental Greece intervening between the expulsion of Hippias and the arrival of the first Persian armament” (CW XXIV.1085-86). In addition to tracking the birth and development of the Athenian constitution, Mill asserts that Grote not only exhibits “two genuinely exalted characters, Solon and Pittacus,” but also “rescues from obscurity another eminent man…Cleisthenes,” to whom, according to Mill, history has hitherto done but “scanty justice” (CW XXIV.1086).
Whereas Mill’s first review of volumes one and two had related Grote’s work to that of Mitford, Niebuhr, and Thirlwall, this review positions Grote as a historian whose “familiarity both with the great highways and obscurest bypaths of Grecian literature and antiquity, has seldom been equalled, and not often approached to” (CW XXIV.1086). Praising Grote’s achievements with this newest set of volumes ever further, Mill hastily discusses Niebuhr and Otfried Müller, who are “skilful in conjecture,” but “often pass off upon themselves and upon us their guesses for facts: Mr. Grote never does” (CW XXIV.1086). With this latest work, Grote has also bravely paved the way for future historians and readers alike; Grote’s implicit confidence in fact, inclusion of personal reflections, and ability to look upon Grecian history with Greek eyes while maintaining a modern mind all contribute to “the many valuable lessons which are likely to result to the world from this history,” the most important of which, Mill avers, is “the triumphant vindication of the Athenian Democracy” (CW XXIV.1088). Grote thus completely upends the conservative conclusions of Mitford’s earlier history and in so doing provides a Classical warrant for Victorian Liberals’ nineteenth-century efforts to effect democratic reform.
Although Mill undoubtedly read his inscribed copy of volumes three and four with pencil in hand while preparing to write his Spectator review, the absence of direct quotations or references to particular chapters or page ranges in the review makes it impossible to determine with certainty which of the examples of marginalia in these two volumes might have been added during Mill’s initial reading. The 194 individual marginalia, which can be broken down into 152 annotations and 42 marks, invert the proportion of verbal to nonverbal marginalia found in volumes one and two. The length of the annotations found in volumes three and four range anywhere from one letter―as is the case with the “r” inscribed on the lower half of page 77 in volume three―to forty-four words long, and are written in both Greek or English. The annotations can be separated into several different categories, such as editorial corrections and copyedits where spelling is corrected and commas are added, editorial queries, and geographical corrections. Mill also provides additional passages of information that effectively link with and strengthen Grote’s own text.
Whether Mill provided this extra information for his own benefit whilst reading or for the express use of Grote to bolster his work when undergoing revisions, there are several instances when such annotations were incorporated into new editions. For example, Mill’s comment “like the nobles of Hungary” on page 40 of volume three led to the addition of a new footnote in the 1862 edition, which reads “1Like various members of the Polish or Hungarian noblesse in recent times.” Of the ten annotations that directly correspond with revisions made in Grote’s 1849 edition, eight are spelling corrections and one is a word change, though Grote chose not to replace “functions” on page 170 of volume three with Mill’s suggested “portions,” and changed it to “fractions” instead. Mill’s last annotation, found on page 145 of volume four, not only prompted two revisions in both 1849 and 1854, but also led to an amendment so extensive that the text had to be split between two separate boxes in the table provided below.
In the 1851 edition, 11 annotations correlate with Grote’s revisions, and are more diverse than the ones found in the 1849 edition. While six annotations are either editorial/spelling corrections or wording disagreements, three more are concerned with historical or geographical facts, though Grote again does not necessarily take Mill’s comments verbatim. For example, while Mill argues that a specific occurrence happened “two reigns earlier” than what Grote had stated, Grote amended his text from “Nearly at the same time” to “Nearly at the same time, or somewhat before the time,” thus showing that Grote acknowledged Mill’s assertion but did not commit to it fully.
In addition to Mill’s 11 marginalia, there is an annotation on page 103 of volume four which appears to have been made by a Somerville student sometime after Mill’s collection was donated to the College. Although not made by Mill himself, this annotation presents an interesting case nonetheless, especially since it appears next to a passage that Grote revised in 1851. The 1854 edition presents far fewer annotations than the previous two editions, with a grand number of three correlations between Mill and Grote: one is a geographical correction, one occurs on page 145 of volume four as discussed earlier in this paragraph, and one is unreadable having faded or been subject to erasure. In the 1862 edition, three of the coinciding annotations and revisions are editorial corrections, and one is an editorial query. In contrast to the previous editions, the 1862 version also witnesses five instances where Mill provided supporting or additional information that Grote either extensively expanded in his text or amended so as to reflect Mill’s wording quite closely.
While determining when all of the marginalia were made is nearly impossible―especially those nonverbal marks without an accompanying verbal annotation―some can be tracked through Mill’s personal letters home to Harriet while he was away on a trip around Italy and Greece in 1854-1855. For example, on page 80 of volume 4, Mill questions Grote’s use of the word “plain,” “not the Crissaean plain? the word plain is inapplicable to anything near Delphi.” In a letter home dated April 18, 1855, Mill details his experiences looking upon the Crissaean plain, noting how “we went up the bay of Salona which from the green mountains which it bounded, much resembled Switzerland or the English lakes: at the end of it begins the valley (known as the Crissean plain)” (CW.XIV.423). Based on this reflection in his letter home, it can be affirmed that Mill’s marginalia corresponding to the Crissaean plain could not have been added to Grote’s History before 1855, though it never resulted in a revision from Grote. Interestingly enough, of the five parallels found between Mill’s marginalia and his letters home, only one instance can also be connected to a revision made by Grote. On several different occasions throughout his letters dated from March 14 to March 20, 1855, Mill details the cities of Agrigentum and Acrae, both of which were found to have caves and tombs underneath them. On March 15, he wrote, “A mural ledge of rocks, which is so common at the top of limestone ridges, had been well taken advantage of by the people of old Agrigentum as a fortification for their city―& it is curious that in this they should have excavated their tombs (CWXIV.375). Grote, who previously mentioned such caves only in passing on page 486 of volume three, gave a much longer excerpt in his 1862 edition in which he describes the caves and tombs in much greater detail. Mill, who illustrated these caves as a “curious sight” and “elaborately cut,” seems to have directly influenced Grote’s revisions, as the “rock caves of Sicily are remarkable” was added to his 1862 edition (CWXIV.374-82).
Similar to volumes one and two, many of Mill’s annotations in volumes three and four relate either to spelling corrections or to geographical errors. Unlike any of the other volumes, however, the History’s fourth volume presents a unique case where Grote made a revision in one edition and then proceeded to revert his text back to its original state in another, later edition. While there are only three instances of such reversions, the revisions appear to follow Mill’s marginalia quite closely. For example, on page 316, Mill wrote “To the Salt Desert (see above)” in response to Grote’s text, “Herodotus dwells upon the vast population, the extensive territory, and the abundant produce in gold, among those whom he calls Indians―the easternmost inhabitants of the earth, since beyond them there was nothing but uninhabitable sand―reaching, as far as we can make out, from Baktria southward along the Indus to its mouth, but how far eastward we cannot determine.” In his 1851 edition, seemingly in response to Mill’s annotation, Grote added, “…from Baktria southward along the Indus to its mouth, and eastward as far as that broad salt desert, which stretches nearly without interruption from the sea to the Himalaya mountains, between the plain of the Indus, and Hindostan.” In the 1854 edition, however, the passage was revised back to its original state, all mention of the salt desert now excised.
The table below features all of Mill’s annotations and Grote’s revisions to volumes three and four. The left column lists the volume and page on which each annotation appears. The second column from left features Grote’s original text, if that text was subsequently revised; it is otherwise left blank. Mill’s annotations appear in the third column from left. The middle columns, in this case columns four through seven from left, record whether or not a revision occurred in the passage already quoted and in which edition; the new volume and page number of the revised text are provided if different from that cited at left. Grote’s revised text appears in the second column from right, and relevant passages from Mill’s letters, if extant, appear in the rightmost column (the single exception to this rule appears below in the transcription of Grote’s revised text from volume four, page 145; Grote added so much in response to Mill’s annotation that his new text continues into the rightmost column). Of course, individual page images featuring Grote’s printed text and Mill’s marginalia, along with transcriptions and closeup photos, remain available for viewing via the regular user interface of Mill Marginalia Online.
| Volume.Page in 1st ed. | Grote’s original text (if later revised) | Mill’s annotation | Revision evident in 2nd ed, 1849 (Y or N) | Revision evident in 3rd ed, 1851 (Y or N) | Revision evident in 4th ed, 1854 (Y or N) | Revision evident in new ed, 1862 (Y or N) | Grote’s revised text (if any) | Relevant References in Mill’s Collected Works (vol.pg; date) |
| III.1 | LC | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.3 | x from their resemblance to two horns | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.23 | which they | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.40 | They appear to have constitued a close order, transmitting their privileges to their children but admitting no new members to a participation…so that by the natural multiplication of families and mutation of property, there would come to be many individual Gamori possessing no land at all… | like the nobles of Hungary. | N | N | N | Y, II.245 | [main text remains unchanged, but new footnote added with superscript 1 after the word “all”] 1Like various members of the Polish or Hungarian noblesse in recent times. | |
| III.62 | κακοὺς | λ | Y, III.63 | now, II.258 | καλοὺς | |||
| III.70 | what does that prove? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.70 | So there was an aponymous hero Amphictyon. yet the etymology is clear. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.71 | these exact + uniform numbers are very suspicious. A parallel case is the Anglo Saxon tythings + hundred | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.76 | Begrift | f | Y, III.76 | Now, II.267 | Begriff | |||
| III.77 | Makastatum | r | Y, III.77 | Now, II.268 | Makartatum | |||
| III.77 | Makast | r | Y, III.78 | Now, II.268 | Makart | |||
| III.78 | last | lost | N | Y, III.79 | Now, II.269 | lost | ||
| III.80 | Might not the gentes be like the Highland clans, originating in blood relationship, but allowing of the adoption of any number of strangers into the name and clan? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.99 | confirmed by the statement that the Thesmothetae became members of the Areopagus : which could not be true of the six only. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.106 | odd if true; since the legend of the foundation of the Areopagus is one of acquittal for homicide, an account of extenuating circumstances | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.114 | were | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.115 | counting the 57 years sleep | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.118 | The life of Solon by Plutarch and by Diogenes | lives | N | N | N | Y, II.296 | The lives of Solon by Plutarch and by Diogenes | |
| III.136 | Three rich friends of Solon…having obtained from Solon some previous hint of his designs, profited by it, first, to borrow money, and next, to make purchases of lands; and this selfish breach of confidence would have disgraced Solon himself, had it not been found that he was personally a great loser, having lent money to the extent of five talents. We should have been glad to learn what authority Plutarch had for this anecdote, which could hardly have been recorded in Solon’s own poems. | why not? | N | N | N | Y, II.307 | [sentence questioned by Mill is completely left out and the paragraph ends as follows] …and this selfish breach of confidence would have disgraced Solon himself, had it not been found that he was personally a great loser, having lent money to the extent of five talents. | |
| III.147 | That its enactments were not much observed, any more than those of the Koran, we have one proof at least in the proceeding of Nehemiah at the building of the second temple | those of the Koran are. | N | Y, III.150 | now, II.314 | That its enactments were not much observed, we have one proof at least in the proceeding of Nehemiah at the building of the second temple | ||
| III.149 | Gemecium | Genucium | N | Y, III.152 | now, II.315 | Genucium | ||
| III.153 | because the government was in the hands of merchants. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.164 | would not the Nomothetae in their annual revision, after such points as this which were no longer applicable? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.164 | X Does not this equally apply [scratchthrough] to the extant laws of Draco? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.167 | that might refer to the usurpation of Peisistratos | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.170 | diakasteries | [“diakasteries” changed to “dikasteries”] | Y, III.171 | now, II.328 | dikasteries | |||
| III.170 | Each of the separate functions… | portions? | Y, III.171 | now, II.328 | Each of the separate fractions… | |||
| III.180 | And it was to encourage the multiplication of these artisans, that he ensured, or sought to ensure, to the residents in Attica a monopoly of all its landed produce except olive-oil, which was raised in abundance more than sufficient for their wants. | not a good expression monopoly being associated with dearness, not cheapness. | N | Y, III.183 | now, II.334 | …to the residents in Attica the exclusive right of buying and consuming all of its landed produce except olive-oil… | ||
| III.181 | [unreadable] the cart [unreadable] placed before the horse? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.183 | The multiplication of these town-residents, both citizens and metics, or non-freemen, was a capital fact in the onward march of Athens | ambiguous | N | Y, III.186 | now, II.336 | The multiplication of such town residents, both citizens and metics, (i. e. resident presons, not citizens, but enjoying an assured postion and civil rights) was a capital fact in the onward march of Athens | ||
| III.191 | Mexico to wit | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.199 | In my judgement, this is an illustrative tale in which certain real characters―Solon and Croesus―and certain real facts―the great power and succeeding ruin of the former by the victorious arm of Cyrus―… | latter | N | N | N | Y, II.347 | [Names have swapped positions, so “former” is now correct] In my judgement, this is an illustrative tale, in which certain real characters―Croesus and Solon―… | |
| III.212 | was | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.236 | what three? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.268 | …he succeeded in re-establishing security and peace, and that at the end of his term he voluntarily laid down his authority―an evidence not only of probity superior to the lures of ambition, but also of that conscious moderation during the period of his dictatorship which left him without fear as a private citizen afterwards. | some evidence certainly. but Sylla! | N | N | N | Y, II.391 | …he voluntarily laid down his power―affording presumption not only of probity superior to the lures of ambition, but also of that conscious moderation during the period of his dictatorship… | |
| III.268 | This has the air of a genuine composition of the time, set forth by the enemies of Pittakus, and imputing to him tyrannical conduct… | hard work rather | N | Y, III.271 | now, II.391 | …and imputing to him (through a very intelligble metaphor) tyrannical conduct… | ||
| III.276 | eastward in the annexed map. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.289 | Μυσων λεια ; | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.298 | This ring he carries away, and discovers unexpectedly that it possesses the miraculous property of rendering him invisible at pleasure. Being sent on a message to the king, he makes the magic ring available to his ambition: he first possesses himself of the person of the queen, then with her aid assassinates the king, and finally seizes the sceptre. The legend thus recounted by Plato, different in almost all points from the Herodotean, has this one circumstance in common, that the adventurer Gyges… | How unlike the Oriental are to the Greek legends. This is the Arabian Nights all over. | N | N | N | Y, II.409 | The legend thus recounted by Plato, thoroughly Oriental in character, has this one point in common with the Herodotean, that the adventurer Gyges… | |
| III.311 | He might easily have learnt the 18 years cycle from the Chaldoeans | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.311 | just the vagueness that would result from having heard of the cycle | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.312 | Nearly at the same time that Upper Asia was desolated by these formidable Nomads, Asia Minor too was overrun by other Nomads | two reigns earlier. | N | Y, III.316 | now, II.419 | Nearly at the same time, or somewhat before the time, that Upper Asia was desolated by these formidable Nomads… | ||
| III.321 | Is it anything to the purpose or at all in favour of Niebuhr’s opinion that the Russian peasantry are distinguished from all Tartan races by their abundance of beard? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.330 | entirely inconsistant chronology | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.332 | much earlier | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.333 | but this cannot be contemporaneous with the invasion which turned back Kyaxares from Nineveh after his fight with Alyaltes. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.335 | a Carian ? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.338 | impossible | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.340 | Eclipse 610. Invasion of Peythians afterwards lasting 25 years. Kyaxares then besieges + takes Nineveh + dies in 595! | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.363 | …the kingdom of Tunis and the western portion of the French province of Constantine… | eastern? | N | N | Y, III.367 | now, II.451 | …the kingdom of Tunis and the eastern portion of the French province of Constantine. | |
| III.386 | a general account of the result of the Nineveh discovery would be suitable here. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.394 | The improving effect of it on the general imagination is proved by the Biblical legend. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.408 | How does this appear? | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.409 | The country has risen much from the deposit of the Nile, and has probably filled up the canals. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.415 | The word priest conveys to a modern reader an idea very different from that of the Egyptian ἱϵρϵις, who were not a profession, but an order, comprising many occupations and professions―Josephus the Jew was in like manner an ἱϵρϵὺς… (cont. Apion. c. 3). | like the Brahmins | N | N | N | Y, II.486 | …Josephus the Jew was in like manner an ἱϵρϵὺς… (cont. Apion. c. 3). So also the Brahmins in British India are an order. | |
| III.417 | perhaps it was only Enam land; the right given away being only that to the government share of the produce | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.417 | This, if true, would prove the statement above. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.417 | The Khalsa land of India | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.418 | No doubt the priests + soldiers were required to do the same. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.420 | it | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.421 | women | N | N | N | ||||
| III.423 | hemmes | o[slash] | Y, III.427 | now, II.491 | hommes | |||
| III.432 | against Kyaxares | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.463 | conf. vol. 2. p. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.464 | This seems to go nearly the length of Niebuhr’s hypothesis. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.470 | It would be worth stating what is the evidence of so early a foundation. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.473 | Hesiod notices the promontory of Pelorus, the Strait of Messina, and the islet of Ortygia near Syracurse | at | N | N | N | Y, II.519 | Hesiod notices the promontory of Pelorus, the Strait of Messina, and the islet of Ortygia at Syrcacuse | |
| III.479 | …the Heraean moutains―a chain of hills stretching in a southerly direction from that principal chain, called the Neurode or Nebrode mountains, which runs from east to west for the most part parallel with the northern shore. | a continuous ridge, + quite unlike the Nebrodes. | N | N | N | Y, II.523 | …the Heraean moutains―a continuous ridge stretching from north-west to south-east, distinct from that chain of detached mountains, much higher, called the Nebrodes, which run nearly parallel of with the northern shore. | |
| III.480 | Not across the entrance. It lies between two harbours | N | N | N | N | It would not interest you to go over minutely the historical ground, but I wonder no one who has written about Syracuse has said anything (that I remember) about the extreme beauty of the place. Every view of & from the town is fine; & the view from the heights of Epipolae is one of the most magnificent conceivable: not only is the town, its two harbours, the sea & the southern highlands, but the other way two most charming bays, of Thapsus & of Agosta―Catania also…(XIV.386; March 22, 1855) | ||
| III.482 | not on the coast | N | N | N | N | I expected the whole day’s journey would be over a plain, but after the first few miles we diverged from the sea, & crossed rocky ridges & the valleys between them as the mulepaths did…After a while we slowly wound up a hill higher than the rest, entirely hid in cactus, at the top of which is Carlentini, from which we looked down on Lentini at the bottom (which has replaced the ancient Leontini) & saw as well as the haze would let us, the lake of Lentini, the largest (if not the only one at all large) in Sicily. (XIV.389; March 25, 1855) | ||
| III.486 | Of these Sikel of Sikan caverns…”The Troglodyte villages of Northern Africa, of which I saw several, are also precisely the same.” About the early cave-residences in Sardinia and the Balearic islands, consult Diodor. [Footnote begins on 486 and continues to 487] | Caves under the rock walls form the Necropoleis of Agrigentum + Akrai | N | N | N | Y. II.528 | Of these Sikel of Sikan caverns…”The Troglodyte villages of Northern Africa, of which I saw several, are also precisely the same. “The rock caves of Sicily are remarkable. The southern walls of Agrigentum are formed of a continued line of rocks which supported the town. In the inside of this natural wall are excavated the tombs of (probably) the principal citizens. The very interesting ruins of little Akrae, high up in the Heraean range, nestle under a cliff in which numbers of tombs are excavated. The Necropolis of Syracuse, between Achradina and the Great Harbour, is composed of similar rock excavations: and there are subterraneous galleries or catacombs also high up in Epipolae.” About early cave-residences in Sardinia… | The old walls of the city went along these heights & are partly of the native rock―hollowed out everywhere into cavities for tombs―a really curious sight. (XIV.374; March 14, 1855) A mural ledge of rocks, which is so common at the top of limestone ridges, had been well taken advantage of by the people of old Agrigentum as a fortification for their city―& it is curious that in this they should have excavated their tombs. (XIV.375; March 15, 1855) …I set out again soon to visit the remains of the Greek town of Acrae, which stood at the very top of this same ridge. There is the most perfect theatre I have yet seen, with the steps almost unbroken― &what is much more curious, an amazing quantity of tombs elaborately cut out in the soft rock, much more elaborate & curious than those at Girgenti. (XIV.382; March 20, 1855) The greater part of today I spent in going about with Politi: there is a poor amphitheatre, but a theatre (Greek) the largest known, as usual with a fine view, & with the seats all cut out of the rock: there are also catacombs, going an immense way underground, with tombs all along…(XIV.387; March 23, 1855) |
| III.487 | and | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.497 | Qu ambiguous | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.498 | Qu north western | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.517 | Iapygia + Apulia are probably the same word. | N | N | N | N | |||
| III.flr | 435 | |||||||
| III.bpd | 435 | |||||||
| IV.1 | 9 | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.3 | very like Taygetus. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.18 | Chakidikê | l | Y, IV.18 | now, III.12 | Chalkidikê | |||
| IV.23 | four | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.42 | [unreadable] | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.45 | The plant which is on the coins of Kyrene is a plant now abundant near Athens (Thapsia garganica) (teste Lindley) | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.66 | why? the story does not hang well together. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.79 | [“Delphinian” changed to “Delphian”] | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.80 | not the Crissaean plain? the word plain is inapplicable to anything near Delphi. | N | N | N | N | I got up at five to find a rainy morning & all the finest part of the Corinthian gulf was in a great measure hid from us during the remainder of the day, which however gradually cleared, with occasional showers, very like an April day in England: we went up the bay of Salona which from the green mountains bounded it, much resembled Switzerland or the English lakes: at the end of it begins the valley (known as the Crissean plain) which leads up to Parnassus & Delphi…(XIV.423; April 18, 1855) | ||
| IV.82 | was not the Krissean Gulf the gulf of Galanidi? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.91 | [beginning text unreadable] Pythian [intervening text unreadable] conflicts | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.103 | It can hardly be true that Terpander gained fourPythian prizes, if the festival was octennial prior to its reconstitution by the Amphiktyons. | This only necessarily required 2 [remaining text unreadable]. | N | Y, IV.103 | N [reverted back to original, IV.103] | N [now, III.65] | [from 1851 edition] It seems difficult to believe, though not absolutely impossible, that Terpander gained fourPythian prizes, if the festival was octennial prior to its reconstitution by the Amphiktyons. | |
| IV.119 | His name came from this feat of his. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.144 | συνιόντων -See next page | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.145 | …father. Nor do I know on what authority the statement of Dr. Thirlwall (p. 68) rests, “He (Peisistratus) possessed lands on the Strymon in Thrace, which yielded a large revenue.” Herodotus (i. 64) tells us that Peisistratus brought mercenary soldiers from the Strymon, but that he levied the money to pay them in Attica―ἐῤῥίζωσϵ τὴν τυρανίδα ἐπικούροισί τϵ πολλοῖσι, καὶ χρημάτων συνόδοισι, τῶν μὲν αὐτόθϵν, τῶν δὲ άπὸ Στρύμονος ποταμοῦ συνιόντων. 2Hermippus… | Thirlwall seems right συνιόντων corresponds with συνόδσισι. | Y, IV.145 | Y, IV.145 | now, III.92 | …father. Herodotus (i. 64) tells us that Peisistratus brought mercenary soldiers from the Strymon, but that he levied the money to pay them in Attica―ἐῤῥίζωσϵ τὴν τυρανίδα ἐπικούροισί τϵ πολλοῖσι, καὶ χρημάτων συνόδοισι, τῶν μὲν αὐτόθϵν, τῶν δὲ άπὸ Στρύμονος ποταμοῦ συνιόντων. On this passage, apparently, Dr. Thirlwall has founded a statement (p. 68), for which in my first edition I did not perceive his authority―”He (Peisistratus) possessed lands on the Strymon in Thrace, which yielded a large revenue.” The words of Herodotus undoubtedly justify Dr. Thirlwall’s construction: but they are also consistent with a different construction, which appears to me in this case the truer one; referring τῶν μὲν to χρημάτων, and τῶν δὲ to ἐπικούροισί. “Peisistratus collected the mercenary soldiers from the Strymon, and the money at home.” If he wanted mercenaries, the bank of the Strymon, with the Thracian population adjoining, was the natural place to seek them. But I think it highly improbable that “he possessed lands on the Strymon which yielded him a large revenue.” [cont. at right] | [cont. from left] If this is to be admitted, we must suppose him to have founded, or to have taken a leading part in founding, a city at the mouth of the Strymon: for large private landed property, possessed by a man in the territory of a foreign city, was at that time rare indeed, if not altogether unknown. But if Peisistratus had established any settlement at the mouth of the Strymon, we must surely have heard more of it afterwards. It would have been retained by Hippias when expelled from Athens; and Herodotus (v. 65-94) would surely have told us something about it on that occasion. Moreover, the mouth of the Strymon was a capital position, more coveted than almost any other by enterprising Greeks, and stoutly maintained by the Edonian Thracians. Had there been any settlement established there by Peisistratus, we must have found some mention of it either from Herodotus or Thucydides, when they advert to the proceedings of Histiaeus, Aristagoras, and the Athenians, connected with the subsequent settlement of the locality, and ending at last in the foundation of Amphipolis (Herodot. v. 11, 23, 94; Thucyd. iv. 102). | |
| IV.148 | It would have impaired the story of Harmodius + Aristogeiton if they had not been supported to have killed the actual τύραννος. The Athenians in general seem to have thought that their act had freed the state | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.149 | curious that the Greeks should say “the age” as moderns say “the sex”. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.155 | Aeantides. v. inf. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.170 | Athenian men? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.201 | “it was not against such men as him (said the comic writer Plato) that the oyster-shell was intended to be…” | [unreadable] | N | Y, IV.202 | Y, IV.202 | now, III.129 | “it was not against such men as him (said the comic writer Plato) that the shell was intended to be used.” | |
| IV.208 | But if 6000 votes decided that somebody should be ostracised, it would be strong evidence of a necessity for getting rid of one of the leaders – + then a mere majority of the 6000 would decide which was the weaker of the two or more. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.209 | municipal council. Cantonal governments of Switzerland | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.220 | rather the slope of the plain up towards the Fort of Kithæron | N | N | N | N | Nearly the whole foundations & more of the walls & turrets of the old Plataea still exist, it lies on the slope up to the fort of Cithaeron, overlooking the plain rather than valley of the Asopus & making the detailed account of Herodotus of the battle of Plataea very interesting & intelligible. (XIV.450; May 15, 1855) | ||
| IV.249 | [Footnote 2] It has been rendered probable by Ritter, however, that the ruined city which Xenophon called Mespila was the ancient Assyrian Nineveh, and the other deserted city which Xenophon calls Larissa, situated as it was on the Tigris, must have been originally Assyrian, and not Median. See about Nineveh above―the Chapter on the Babylonians, vol. iii. ch. xix. p. 391, note. The land east of the Tigris in which Nineveh and Arbêla were situated seems to have been called Aturia―a dialectic variation of Assyria (Strabo, xvi. p. 737 ; Dio Cass. Lxviii. 28). | now proved | N | N | N | Y. III.160 | [Original text recorded in column B has been deleted] | |
| IV.250 | much oftener | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.259 | a Jageer | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.259 | Near the falsity of the amateur that the Kings had no revenue but presents. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.259 | Why not? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.261 | St. John’s Gospel alleges many similar cases. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.268 | x the Greek travellers + antiquaries seem always to have asked, in reference to any social fact, who, not what, produced it. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.274 | red hot | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.274 | red hot as before | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.277 | curious that Herodutus knew of Agylla or Caere + not of Rome. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.277 | Such was the fate of the Phôkaean exiles, while their brethren at home remained as subjects of Harpagus, in common with all the other Ionic and Æolic Greeks, except Milêtus | and Samos | N | N | N | Y, III.177 | …all the other Ionic and Æolic Greeks, except Samos and Milêtus | |
| IV.291 | Hindoos? Chinese? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.300 | Perhaps the curious high cap of the Parsees. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.304 | add the confirmation obtained from the Behistun inscription | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.310 | why not? Zopyrus was made satrap of Babylonia. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.312 | Qu Exceps the Indian. see p. 315 | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.313 | This then is the meaning of presents: undefined exactions. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.315 | more like the Mogal Government in India, which had Hindoo Rajahs under it. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.316 | …Herodotus dwells upon the vast population, the extensive territory, and the abundant produce in gold, among those whom he calls Indians―the easternmost inhabitants of the earth, since beyond them there was nothing but inhabitable sand―reaching, as far as we can make out, from Baktria southward along the Indus to its mouth, but how far eastward we cannot determine. Darius is said… | To the Salt Desert (see above) | N | Y, IV.319 | N [reverted back to original, IV.318] | N [now, III.202] | [from 1851 edition]…Herodotus dwells upon the vast population, the extensive territory, and the abundant produce in gold, among those whom he calls Indians―the easternmost inhabitants of the earth, since beyond them there was nothing but inhabitable sand―reaching, as far as we can make out, from Baktia southward along the Indus to its mouth, and eastward as far as that broad salt desert, which stretches nearly without interruption from the sea to the Himalaya mountains, between the plain of the Indus, and Hindostan. Darius is said… | |
| IV.316 | + Afghananistan, the Punjab, + Sinde without counting Bokhara etc. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.317 | The account of India by Herodotus is full of the wildest wonders, told him by his Persian informants | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.318 | …but we may be sure that much more than this was really taken from the people, when we read that Magnesia alone afterwards paid to Themistokles a revenue of 50 talents annually. The Mysians and Lydians were included, with some others, in another division, and the Hellespontine Greeks in a third with Phrygians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, and Syrians, paying 360 talents―nearly the same was paid by Syria proper, Phenicia and Judea, with the island of Cyprus. Independent of this regular tribute… | The whole expenses of local government + local military force were doubtless paid first. | N | Y, IV.321 | N [reverted back to original; now, III.203] | [from 1851 edition]…nearly the same was paid by Syria proper, Phenicia and Judea, with the island of Cyprus. What is here stated as tribute, represents the clear sum remitted to the Great King, after deducting the expenses of local government and the usual military force. Independent too of this regular tribute… | ||
| IV.321 | a sign they were no longer conquerors, but feared to be conquered | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.336 | It was so powerful at the time of the seafight of Lade, that it cannot have been really unpeopled | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.341 | no doubt the ἰατρός was the operators master in surgery. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.351 | The Behistun inscription shew that he had many more rebellions to put down in his eastern provinces | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.357 | perhaps the sole basis of the belief that the Persian army had been there | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.373 | he must have returned then to the Chersonese during the Thrace revolt | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.374 | doubtful interpretation | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.381 | absurd story. Where did he keep the slave while the hair grew? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.387 | …and here he found an easier cask | task? | Y, IV.390 | now, III.247 | Here he found an easier task | |||
| IV.409 | Were the great religious festivals ever omitted? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.409 | They had probably submitted. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.414 | not a very easy process in these mountainous + rugged islands | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.455 | The general character given of Plutarch | him by? | N | Y, IV.458 | now, III.290 | The general character given by Plutarch | ||
| IV.462 | The good fortune of Athens in having a general who had previous knowledge of the Persians. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.466 | by Kephisia | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.466 | [plus sign] it is not so now | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.473 | rendered intelligible by the reflection used in the American prairies + by the constant brilliancy of the Crystal Palace etc. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.479 | τῆς Ελλάδος. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.500 | x + was afterwards one of the richest men in Athens. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.518 | see notes to the Loves of the Triangles | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.531 | Pythagoras born 580: died say 510. Philolaus was one generation later. Then how could Simmias + Kebes have conversed with him in 420? | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.539 | an exact parallel of Savonarola. | N | N | N | N | |||
| IV.i16 | 61 | |||||||
| IV.i16 | 134 | |||||||
| IV.e1r | 237 Democracy 407 the same, as connected with nautic discipline | |||||||
| IV.e2r | the despots. ch. 9 (p. 17) + 533 234. Races _ exaggeration of their importance exposed 350. Foresight of the causes of the fall of Greece 401-3 Striking picture of the ancient civilizations |
Works Cited
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